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Where was the Great Engaddi of Cyprus? 🍇🍷⚔️✝️"...in this same diocese of Paphos is the vineyard of Engaddi, the like of ...
18/09/2026

Where was the Great Engaddi of Cyprus? 🍇🍷⚔️✝️

"...in this same diocese of Paphos is the vineyard of Engaddi, the like of which is not in the world. This vineyard stands upon an exceeding lofty mountain, two miles long. A tall cliff girds it on every side like a wall; it has one exceeding narrow entrance, and is quite flat on the top throughout. In this vineyard grow many grapes and vines of divers sorts, some of which yield grapes as big as great pears, and some yield grapes as small as peas. Some vines yield bunches of grapes as big as urns, and others exceeding small bunches, and some vines yield white grapes, some black, and some red; some vines yield grapes without stones, and some oblong grapes, shaped like acorns, and transparent; and countless other sorts of vines and grapes are to be seen in this vineyard. This vineyard once belonged to the Templars, but now belongs to the brethren of the Hospital of St. John at Rhodes. In the time of the Templars there were always a hundred slaves—that is, Saracen prisoners—there always, who had no duties or work imposed upon them save dressing and tending the vineyard.
Not far from Paphos is Limasol, once a fair city, but now much damaged by earthquakes and sudden rushes of water from the mountains. This city stands on the sea-shore directly over against Tyre, Sidon, and Beyrout. When Aeon was lost, the Templars and Hospitallers of St. John and other nobles dwelt in this city, and many of their palaces and castles may be seen at this day. Near Limasol is another vineyard, called Little Engaddi, wherein grow divers vines, which a man cannot span with his arms, but they are not very tall, and do not yield much fruit.”
• Ludolf Von Sudheim 1350.

One of the most intriguing unidentified places in medieval Cyprus is the Great Engaddi, described by the German traveller Ludolph von Sudheim in the fourteenth century.
Ludolph describes an extraordinary vineyard called Engaddi. (Wilbrand speak first of the wine of engaddi, near Limassol in 1211. boldensele in 1333 , engaddia near nicomosa. Or again Philippe de Mézières in 1368 with calling peter 1st king of the vinyeard of the angady, but only ludolf described it)
"Where could it be ?

The traditional identification has remained uncertain. Some modern scholarship has placed the unidentified Big Engaddi somewhere in the hills north of Limassol as it seem more logic,
and the little Engaddi near Limassol, placed in Kolossi, as vinyeard here are well documented (or at least yermasoyia templar casale as it mentioned in primary source there is two small vinyeard cultivated by templars here).
But while Ludolph's text explicitly places his big vineyard in the diocese of Paphos, then Nicolas Coureas offer inia village (north of Paphos) as a possibility.

But could Ludolph simply have been mistaken about the ecclesiastical division?
I believe that possibility deserves much more attention. I introduce you, my hypothèsis, and i found it more solid than Nicolas Coureas one:

My Apsiou hypothesis

Apsiou lies in the mountainous hinterland of Limassol, in a landscape with a long-established viticultural tradition (two historical linos remain in the village but are not dated). More importantly, immediately south of the village is Klimadia Gorge, a remarkably narrow natural passage which opens northwards towards Apsiou and then into the large valley extending towards Mathikoloni, which is the shortest walking way from Limassol and Kolossi.
This creates a striking geographical configuration:
Klimadia Gorge → narrow entrance → Apsiou → broad mountainous/viticultural valley → Mathikoloni
That is worth comparing directly with Ludolph's description of a high vineyard surrounded by rock, relatively level within, and accessible through an extremely narrow entrance.

There is another independent piece of evidence.
The documentary history of the military orders places Apsiou and Mathikoloni among the former Templar estates transferred to the Hospitallers in 1314, in the Vatican archive. This is especially significant because Ludolph explicitly says that Engaddi had belonged to the Templars. Even more, the two templar-hospitaler Casale of Apsiou and Mathikoloni, side to side, was dependancies of the great commanderia of Kolossi.

But there is another clue which should not be overlooked: both Apsiou and Mathikoloni belong to a long-standing wine-growing landscape where Commandaria production has survived into modern times.
This does not prove that the same vineyards have been cultivated continuously since the fourteenth century. But it is significant that the two settlements at either end of this proposed landscape are still associated with the production of Commandaria, a wine tradition deeply rooted in the medieval wine culture of Cyprus.

In other words, the proposed Engaddi landscape would not simply have the right topography and the right military-order history; it would also lie within a wine-producing territory where the viticultural tradition has remained alive for centuries. (Check my 3 last photos)
And this is something the Inia hypothesis does not currently provide with the same combination of independent evidence.

The dimensions are also intriguing
Apsiou and Mathikoloni are approximately 4 km apart in a straight line.
Ludolph gives the Great Engaddi an extent of approximately two miles.
We should not automatically convert a medieval “mile” into a modern kilometre, because medieval measures varied. Nor should we assume that Ludolph was measuring from village centre to village centre.
But the order of magnitude is striking.
If the Engaddi estate was not a village but a large enclosed vineyard or agricultural domain, the valley between Apsiou and Mathikoloni could potentially represent the kind of territory Ludolph was describing.

The correspondence would then be:
≈ 3 to 4 km of extent (the two village are separated by 4,2 km)
+ high mountainous terrain
+ viticultural landscape still valaible with surviving Commandaria tradition
+ narrow natural entrance through Klimadia
+ rocky surroundings
+ Apsiou–Mathikoloni military&religious- knights order history

Taken together, these elements form a considerably more coherent hypothesis than any single clue considered separately.

What about Inia?

This is where an important methodological distinction is necessary.
Nicholas Coureas lists Inia among possible Templar estates and, separately, mentions the possible locality of Engaddi in the diocese of Paphos at Inia.
But no primary documentary evidence establishing Inia as a Templar neither hospitaler possession has so far been identified in this investigation, no narrow entrance in my knowledge either, and it s not surround by escarped hills.
Edbury Peter (an historian) first floated the rather tenuous idea that Arodes, the neighbouring village, might perhaps derive its name from Rhodes — and therefore perhaps have a Hospitaller connection. Coureas then seems to follow a similar logic with Inia, the next village : perhaps its name derives from vinea, or Greek oinia (“wine”); it lies north of Paphos, and Ludolph mentions the diocese of Paphos. So perhaps the plateau had a Hospitaller history, and then perhaps Inia was Engaddi.. this made couple of perhaps feeding themself. this is circular reasoning:
Edbury → Arodes → Rhodes → Hospitallers → Inia → wine → Engaddi → back to Edbury.
Each hypothesis ends up reinforcing another hypothesis, without independent primary evidence proving the crucial links.
That said, Nicholas Coureas also leaves open the possibility of locating Engaddi somewhere north of Limassol, not only at Inia, north of Paphos, although he does not identify or offering a specific location as he did for Inia.
The status of Inia as a Templar or even hospitaler st John estate remains a historiographical hypothesis, not an established documentary fact.

Apsiou is different: the Templar-to-Hospitaller transmission of Apsiou and Mathikoloni is independently documented, certified.

What about Ludolph's “diocese of Paphos”?

This is the principal objection to Apsiou.
It would be wrong simply to ignore it. Ludolph really does place his Great Engaddi in the diocese of Paphos.
But a medieval traveller could have been mistaken about an ecclesiastical boundary, particularly when describing a remote rural landscape. The statement should therefore be treated as important evidence, but not necessarily an infallible geographical coordinate. Ludolph visited and made a stop on Cyprus around 1336–1341 on his travel journey to holy land , but his account was written several years later, around 1350.
He places Engaddi “in the diocese of Paphos”, yet his presence at Limassol is independently attested, while no equally clear evidence has been found that he actually visited Paphos (he may have never travel until Paphos, but Famagouste, Nicosia and Limassol are the only visited place 100% attested, i dont tell he didn't travel until inia and Paphos, but why then never talk in his chronique of what he saw in Paphos, really strange.)

Could the Paphos reference simply be a geographical or administrative error made when he later committed his travel observations to writing?
If the physical and documentary evidence of the Apsiou–Mathikoloni area proves exceptionally close to Ludolph's description, then an error concerning the diocesan boundary becomes a plausible explanation.

The hypothesis
I am therefore not claiming that Engaddi has been definitively identified.
Rather, I propose that the Apsiou–Klimadia–Mathikoloni landscape deserves to be tested as the leading working hypothesis for the Great Engaddi.
The crucial question is no longer simply:
“Which place was associated with vineyards?”
It is:
Where in medieval Cyprus can we find a high, extensive viticultural enclosure, relatively level within, surrounded by steep rocky terrain, accessible through an exceptionally narrow entrance, and situated in a landscape independently connected with former Templar and later Hospitaller estates?
At present, for me, the landscape between Apsiou and Mathikoloni presents a remarkably coherent answer to that question.
The fact that this same landscape has preserved its Commandaria-producing tradition into the present makes the hypothesis even more intriguing — not as proof of uninterrupted medieval cultivation, but as an additional piece of geographical and cultural continuity.

Engaddi may have been the name of a large enclosed vineyard or agricultural estate occupying the valley between Apsiou and Mathikoloni templars later hospitalers possession, whose medieval name subsequently disappeared from the landscape, that Ludolf actually described but just mistaken the correct diocèse localisation.

Do you prefer Nicolas Coureas hypothesis, or mine ?

Nb : i studied the other hospitalers Casale, from Limassol to Paphos région, Apsiou and Mathikoloni are not the only ones, but they dont have the same level of attractive topographic comparaison.
One of the best candidate was : kellaki with : The Hospitaller estate of Kellaki (Quillac) is explicitly attested as producing wine in the General Chapter of the Hospitallers held at Limassol in 1300 under Master William de Villaret: the statutes stipulated that the wine of Quillac “should be retained” rather than sold.
In 1450, a Hospitaller procurator is again recorded selling ten barrels of wine from the bailiwick of Kellaki, providing a later confirmation of its wine production... But i hardly place 2 miles square of flat valley wineyard with kellaki topography..

(⚠️of Europe !) ( ⚠️City! not Fortress)
16/09/2026

(⚠️of Europe !) ( ⚠️City! not Fortress)

1426: Hugh of Lusignan — Cardinal, Regent… Savior or Ex*****oner?The first and last cardinal of the Lusignan Kingdom of ...
15/09/2026

1426: Hugh of Lusignan — Cardinal, Regent… Savior or Ex*****oner?

The first and last cardinal of the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus.
Ten months without a king.
A captured monarch.
A devastated capital.
A shattered army.
A revolt.
A self-proclaimed king.
An Italian adventurer at Paphos.
And, behind it all, a desperate diplomatic struggle to bring the real king home.

1426 was perhaps the most dangerous year in the history of the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus.
In July 1426, mamluks attacked Cyprus, and took easily limassol before to walk in direction of Nicosia. On 7 July 1426, at Khirokitia, the army of King Janus of Lusignan , came to stop them, but was decisively defeated by the Mamluks of Sultan Barsbay. (Approximatively 5000 vs 5000 men, makairas the chronicer , detailed perfectly the battle as it happened in front of his eyes and was there this day, lot of simple civil cypriots joined the contingent of the Lusignan kingdom knights, and give a list of noble name died during the battle).

Janus was captured and taken to Egypt. Henri de Lusignan is first brother was killed during the battle.

They (mamluks knights,.with turcopole, arab soldiers coalition troops) continued to walk in their journey, burned the royal manor of potamia, and destroyed the castle résidence of la cava aglantzia on their way.
Four days later, on 11 July, the Mamluk army entered Nicosia and sacked the capital.

The kingdom had lost its king, much of its army, and a large part of its political and military elite.
And then something extraordinary happened.
The man who became the effective head of the kingdom was not a soldier.

He was Hugh of Lusignan — Janus's younger brother, the second one, Archbishop of Nicosia, Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and, only weeks earlier, newly created Cardinal by Pope Martin V.
He had never been destined to rule Cyprus.
But with his brother king imprisoned in Egypt, the other one killed, and the royal heirs (John (futur king John 1st) and Anne (futur duchesse of savoy) still children, while Queen consort charlotte de Bourbon has died 4 years before of the plague , needed retrait and took the royal children with him, during a short period at kyrenia castle, Hugh found himself forced into the role of regent, despit he was preparing his departure for Rome, since couple of weeks.

A cardinal in a collapsing kingdom

Hugh's elevation had taken place on 24 May 1426, barely six weeks before the Mamluk invasion.
He was expected to pursue an ecclesiastical and diplomatic career in the West.
Instead, he remained in Cyprus and faced the greatest political crisis of his family's reign.
The Mamluks had devastated the kingdom.
The capital had been plundered.
The king was a prisoner.
And royal authority was beginning to fracture in the countryside.

According to Leontios Makhairas, local revolt groups rised then, and unrest appeared in several parts of the island, including Lefka, Limassol, Orini, Peristerona and Morphou.
But at Lefkoniko, the revolt took an extraordinary turn.

A man named Alexi was proclaimed “Re Alexi” — King Alexi.

The symbolism could hardly have been stronger.
The legitimate king of Cyprus was a prisoner in Egypt.
And on the island itself, another man had taken or pretended the title of or to be the new king.
The rebels seized stores of wine, grain, sugar and other goods, while local centres of resistance emerged.
But we should be careful about describing this simply as one centrally organised island-wide peasant revolution. Makhairas's account suggests a more fragmented movement, with several local centres appearing as royal authority weakened.

What made the episode extraordinary was the political vacuum.
For a moment, there was a kingdom without its king , and men were beginning to fill the space he had left behind.

Alexi , and another threat at Paphos
Alexi eventually fell into the hands of the Knights of St John, who captured him at Morphou and transferred him to Nicosia.
Meanwhile, another opportunist was attempting to exploit the chaos.

Sforza Pallavicino

an Italian adventurer, became associated with an attempt to establish himself at Paphos.
His story is much less securely documented than that of Alexi, and later accounts contain details that are difficult to verify. Some chronicle mention he was one of soldiers mercenery engaged in the choriokoitia battle aside king janus, not captured, he change his plan, and made a group of armed mercenery with spanish soldiers, and start to attack Paphos to take the control of it. He will be defeat by Royal Lusignan troops and killed there.

What is clear is that Hugh was facing several problems simultaneously:
Mamluk pressure.
Rebellion in the countryside with a self-proclaimed king in Lefkoniko.
An adventurer at Paphos.
And a king who had to be bought back from captivity.
The regency was therefore not simply keeping the throne warm.
It was trying to prevent the disintegration of the Lusignan state and acting for preserve it.

The invisible war — the liberation of Janus

While Cyprus struggled to recover, Janus remained a prisoner in Egypt.
The Mamluk sultan demanded a substantial ransom and imposed severe political conditions.
The price of Janus's liberation included recognition of Mamluk suzerainty and the payment of an annual tribute.
This was a humiliating reversal for the Lusignan kingdom.
For generations, Cyprus had survived as an independent Christian monarchy.
Now its king was being held by the Sultan of Egypt, and his return depended upon accepting a new political relationship with the Mamluk state.
And the money had to be found in a kingdom that had just been devastated.
The Cypriot political elite had to contribute to the enormous financial demands. Some members reportedly contributed or even disposed of personal possessions to help meet them. Giovanni Podocatharo reportedly sold all his possessions to help ransom his king return, Janus of Lusignan, from Mamluk captivity.
The Knights Hospitaller, for example, advanced 15,000 of the roughly 200,000 ducats demanded for the king’s release.

Hugh's government therefore faced an extraordinary paradox:
the kingdom had to spend its remaining resources in order to recover the king whose return was necessary to restore the kingdom itself.

12 May 1427 — the king returns
After almost ten months of captivity, Janus was finally released.

On 12 May 1427, he landed at Paphos and returned to Cyprus.
But that same day, in Nicosia, Alexi was executed by hanging.
The coincidence is extraordinary.
The legitimate king returned to Cyprus on the very day that the man who had called himself king was removed from the political landscape.
Later 20th Century accounts have sometimes added stories of torture and public humiliation to Alexi's fate.
Those details should be treated cautiously: the secure evidence establishes his capture and ex*****on, while the more dramatic elements are not clearly supported by the relevant passage of Makhairas who mentionned only the hanging of Re Alexi in Nicosia, and nose cutting mutilation of his companions .

But the political message was unmistakable, and Hugues had nothing else to do than making respected the general public order of the monarchy.
The Lusignan monarchy had survived.
At a terrible price.
Cyprus was poorer, weakened and traumatised.
The Mamluk invasion had demonstrated the military vulnerability of the island.
The rebellion had demonstrated something potentially even more dangerous:
how quickly royal authority could fracture when the king disappeared.
And Cyprus was now bound to the Mamluk sultan through tribute and recognition of his overlordship.

Hugh — Savior or Ex*****oner?

There is a remarkable irony in Hugh's story.
Only weeks before the catastrophe, he had become a cardinal.
He was supposed to leave Cyprus and pursue an international ecclesiastical career in Vatican, Rome.

Instead, he stayed.
He became regent during the most dangerous period of his brother's reign, held together the remnants of royal authority, and remained until Janus was liberated.

Only then could Hugh finally leave Cyprus and pursue the career for which his elevation had originally prepared him.
He went to Rome soon after janus recovered his position, participated in the 1431 conclave that elected Eugene IV, and became an important diplomatic representative of Cypriot interests in the West.
In 1435, he was involved in the negotiations surrounding the Treaty of Arras, attempting to end the conflict between Charles VII of France and Philip the Good of Burgundy.
He retained the Archbishopric of Nicosia until his death in 1442.
His later career also became entangled in the crisis surrounding the Council of Basel. He supported the antipope Felix V and was consequently deprived of the cardinalate in 1440.

He was the first Vatican latin cypriot cardinal, and he will be the last and the only one from entire Cyprus history.

He died at Geneva in 1442.
(Nb: Moreover, he was instrumental in arranging his niece Anne’s marriage to Louis of Savoy and was present at the wedding in 1433. He died relatively close to her, in Geneva, then part of the Duchy of Savoy; Anne’s presence there is documented only 2 months later for the birth of one of her children.)

So how should we remember him?
As a savior of Cyprus?
Or as an ecclesiastical prince defending a feudal order and suppressing those who rebelled against it?

The answer depends very much on where one stands.
From the perspective of the Lusignan dynasty, Hugh had performed an extraordinary duty.
He had abandoned the international career that had just opened before him and remained in a devastated Cyprus to hold together his family's kingdom. Before finally ending much later in Rome he was planned for.

From the perspective of the rebels and greek cypriot orthodoxes, he represented the regime that crushed their revolt.

Perhaps Hugh was therefore neither simply a hero nor simply an ex*****oner.
He was the man who stayed, and was a man of duty.

When Janus was captured, he remained.
When Nicosia was sacked, he remained.
When royal authority began to collapse, he worked to restore it.
And when the king finally returned, the Lusignan monarchy was still alive, and he left.

Synthesis : 1426 — the year Cyprus almost disappeared

The story of 1426 is ultimately larger than the captivity of Janus. At Khirokitia, the army was destroyed. At Nicosia, the capital was sacked. In the countryside, royal authority fractured. At Lefkoniko, a rebel was proclaimed king. At Paphos, an adventurer attempted to exploit the chaos. And in Egypt, the legitimate king remained a prisoner, with a high ransom ask to freed him.. all in same time. For almost ten months, the Lusignan kingdom existed on the edge of political collapse. Yet it survived. Thanks to one Man :
Hugh of Lusignan — Archbishop, Patriarch, Cardinal, Regent and brother of a captive king.

He was the first, and ultimately the only cardinal, produced by the medieval Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus. His story is therefore not merely a footnote to the captivity of Janus. It is the story of the moment when the Lusignan kingdom came closest to breaking apart , and of the man who remained behind to keep it together.

The Macabre Theatre of Justice in CyprusIn medieval and early modern Cyprus, exécution and death did not necessarily mar...
14/09/2026

The Macabre Theatre of Justice in Cyprus

In medieval and early modern Cyprus, exécution and death did not necessarily mark the end of a punishment. Heads, limbs and bodies could be displayed, mutilated or deliberately used to send a political message.
From the walls of Kyrenia to the Pillory Bridge of Nicosia and the berlina of Famagusta, here are ten particularly striking examples of the macabre theatre of justice in Cyprus.

1. Martin Rousseau — Kyrenia, 1233

One of the most extraordinary cases occurred during the war between the supporters of the Ibelins and Lusignan barons , against the Imperial party of Frederick II (holy roman empire who tried to seized Cyprus).
Martin Rousseau was condemned for his role in the conflict of conspiracy and treason, against the Ibelin side he was fighting for.
Date: 1233
Context: during the struggle between the Ibelins and the Imperial forces, knight Martin Rousseau was caught selling information, and hour time attack plan, during the night to the impérialist ennemy, during the siège of Kyrenia Castle, where the last imperialist was still resisting inside.
Place: Kyrenia Castle
Ex*****on: his companions and ennemis caught in the secret meeting, were hanged.
Rousseau's fate: instead of being treated in the same manner, his dead body was placed in a trebuchet and thrown against the walls of Kyrenia Castle.
The punishment therefore continued beyond death. Rousseau's co**se itself became part of the military spectacle, deliberately hurled against the fortress defended by the opposing faction, to send a message, political treason for money is more than a crime.
Primary source: Les Gestes des Chiprois.

2. /Before to continu the following list, let s have a look, first on : / the geography of the macabre theatre of Nicosia :

The medieval Pediaios ran through Nicosia and was crossed by a series of bridges which have disappeared from the modern cityscape.
The most important for this story was the Bridge of the Pillory, which appears under several names in the sources:
Bridge of the Pillory, Berlina, Bridge of the Prisons, Kato Mesi, Piazza / Lower Piazza, Cotton Market / Nymatopulio
Leventis places it in the eastern part of medieval Nicosia, near the Pediaios, in the vicinity of the churches of St George and Santa Mavra and the Cotton Market. These structures were later demolished when the Venetian fortifications were constructed in 1567–1568, since they lay outside the new walls, near the area east of what became the Famagusta Gate.
This was therefore not simply a bridge. The surrounding open space could accommodate crowds, making it an ideal place for public humiliation and ex*****on. Heads, hands, legs and other body parts were repeatedly displayed there during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
The Bridge of the Jews, however, was a different bridge. It should not be confused with the Pillory Bridge simply because both appear in connection with ex*****ons, but was not far however, situed inside the future venitian wall, in the same eastern part of the city.

3. John Lombardo (Jean Lombard) — Nicosia, 1349

By the fourteenth century, the public display of body parts had become a documented feature of punishment in Nicosia.
John Lombardo was condemned on the orders of King Hugh IV.
Date: 1349
Authority: Hugh IV
Place: the area of the Pillory Bridge
Ex*****on: Lombardo was hanged.
Treatment of the body: his hand and one leg were displayed under the bridge (probably amputed alive) before the rest of his body was hanged after his death on the pillory public square.
Contexte : In 1349, Lombardo asked Hugh IV for permission to leave his service and Cyprus, considering his remuneration insufficient: he was receiving 800 bezants a year. The king actually granted him this permission. But Lombardo was simultaneously involved in helping the king's two sons, Peter — the future Peter I — and John, to leave the island secretly (maybe in exchange of money from them) to travel and visit western Europe, without their father's permission. Hugh IV sent ships in pursuit of his sons and had Lombardo arrested.
His punishment was exceptionally severe:
Prison and torture
The mutilation and public display of a hand and a leg
Hanging of the remainder of his body
Sources: Leontios Makhairas, §82; Strambaldi; Panos Leventis.

4. Henry de Giblet, John/Jean de Gaurelle and Philipp d'Ibelin — Nicosia, 1373

This episode should be understood as one political affair, not three isolated ex*****ons.
Context and Political background: Queen Eleanor's desire for vengeance following Peter I's murder and keeping the control of the kingdom for her young son peter 2nd and genoese occupation :
Following the assassination of King Peter/Pierre I in 1369, Queen consort Eleanor of Aragon sought vengeance against those whom she regarded as responsible, Henri de Giblet, John Gaurelle, Phillipe d Ibelin, John Gorab, and the two brothers of Peter , John and James Lusignan. When the Genoese invaded Cyprus in 1373, the political circumstances finally gave her the opportunity when she allied with them, for fight back after they seized the regency from her for young king Peter 2nd. Genoese and Éléonor won this military batlle against the own brothers of peter 1st , Prince john of Tyr and James/Jacques (futur king James 1st), and the barons, and captured them.
Date: 22 November 1373
Victims: Henry de Giblet, John de Gaurelle and Philip d'Ibelin
Place: the Pillory in Nicosia
Ex*****on: all three were beheaded
Afterwards: their heads were publicly displayed
Public proclamation: a crier announced the justice of God and the king and warned others against raising their hand against their lord.
But the most revealing aspect is perhaps the men who escaped the same fate.
John Gorab, another prominent participant in Peter I's assassination, survived. He later held the important office of auditeur, or chief judge, under subsequent rulers.
Peter's brothers, John and James, also survived. James was jailed in Genoa (later freed after the death of peter 2nd, and crowded king James 1st), and Prince John, powerful respected by the entire cypriots military order and too politicment important, was asking asking to move as connétable of dieudamour (st hilarion) castle, and stay far of her, without exil was asking or imposed to him (she will have her vengeance in an other way, but that is an other story).
The episode therefore cannot be understood simply as the systematic punishment of every person involved in Peter's murder. The choice of those who were executed — and those who were spared — was itself deeply political.
Primary source: Leontios Makhairas, §423.
Additional sources: Strambaldi and other Cypriot chronicles.

5. Public exécution

The Pillory Quarter and the Bridge of the Pillory remained for a long period closely associated with public ex*****ons in medieval Nicosia. The site appears repeatedly in the history of capital punishment: in 1374, during the war between the Lusignan kingdom and the Genoese occupying forces, the Count of Urbino and his brother, who had taken part in the resistance to the Genoese, were captured and hanged at the Bridge of the Pillory by Genoese. Other ex*****ons are associated with the same broader area and with the long tradition of public punishment in Nicosia, probably including the ex*****on of the rebel leader Re Alexis in 1427 in Nicosia even if the pillory quarter is not mentioned in the chronicles. The chronicles also indicate that, during the fighting of 1373–1374, bodies of killed ennemy could be hanged from the outer walls of Nicosia, making the fortifications themselves a highly visible instrument of intimidation during wartime against genoese attack . The famous case of the monks of Kantara should, however, be treated separately: their alleged burning at the stake belongs principally to the later Orthodox hagiographical tradition, and should not be presented as an independently established historical fact without qualification, in the same way re Alexi was pretended tortured in XXth acountabily without primary source during the développement of nationalism hero figure, Machairas never mentionned something else than he was hanged. However , What the surviving evidence does demonstrate is that ex*****on and the public display of the condemned or dead could take several forms in medieval Nicosia, with the Pillory Bridge serving as one of the city's most enduring sites of public punishment.

6. The Bread Market ex*****on — Nicosia, 1385

One of the strangest episodes took place not at the Pillory but beside another bridge of medieval Nicosia.
In 1385, King James I ordered an ex*****on on the roof of the Bread Market, beside the Bridge of the Jews. Not far of Pillory bridge anyway.
Date: 1385
Authority: James I
Place: roof of the Bread Market
Victim: the surviving passage does not give his name
Crime: the passage likewise does not specify the offence
Ex*****on: carried out on the roof
Macabre detail: blood flowed through a gargoyle and fell onto the bread being sold below.
The absence of the victim's name and offence is itself worth respecting: the source preserves the extraordinary staging of the ex*****on, but not the identity or crime of the condemned man.
And this was not the Pillory Bridge.
The Bridge of the Jews appears to have been another crossing of the Pediaios, probably farther west along the river, in the vicinity of the Covered Street and the markets. Its exact location remains uncertain.
Primary source: Makhairas, §611.
Modern discussion: Panos Leventis.

7. The Genoese raiding captain — Nicosia, 1460

Another case concerns piracy and plunder.
In 1460, a Genoese galleon sailed from Famagusta towards the Karpas to raid and plunder. Alexander Tarantin, the bailiff of Karpas, captured the raiders, including their captain.
Date: 1460
Context: piracy and plunder
Origin of the raiders: Genoese Famagusta
Area of operation: Karpas
Captor: Alexander Tarantin, bailiff of Karpas
Captain: his name is not given in the surviving account
Place of subsequent punishment: Nicosia
Ex*****on: the sources present a textual difficulty concerning the precise manner.
Boustronios' account says that the captain's head was cut off, whereas Leventis, following the related passage cited from Boustronios and Florio Bustron, describes the captain as being hanged by his feet on the orders of James II at the Pillory.
Two version but what is certain is the pirate captain captured in the Karpas was brought into the royal capital and subjected to an exemplary public punishment.
Sources: George Boustronios, §§62 and 71; Florio Bustron; Leventis.

8. Hector de Chivides — Kyrenia and Nicosia, 1461

Hector de Chivides provides perhaps the clearest example of a dead man's head being transformed into a political message.
Hector was sheriff of Nicosia and a supporter of Queen Charlotte, making him an opponent of James II.
Kyrenia was under siege, where Charlotte took refuge. According to the account of George Boustronios, Hector left the castle to obtain provisions — including meat for Queen Charlotte — and was caught in an ambush by the forces of James II.
Date: 1461
Context: the struggle between James II and the supporters of Queen Charlotte
Place of capture: outside besieged Kyrenia
Circumstances: Hector left the fortress to obtain provisions
Ex*****on: he was killed and beheaded
Post-mortem treatment: his head was taken to Nicosia
Place of display: the Bridge of the Lower Street / Kato Mesi, i.e. the Pillory/Berlina area
Political message: when prisoners from Kyrenia were subsequently brought to Nicosia, they were shown Hector's head with the words, in effect, “Look at your sheriff.” The symbolism could hardly be clearer. Hector had been the representative of Queen Charlotte inside Kyrenia. His severed head was therefore deliberately brought from the battlefield to the capital and exhibited to the population — and to people from the besieged fortress itself. His co**se had become political propaganda.
Primary source: George Boustronios, §69.
Additional source: Florio Bustron.

9. The berlina of Venetian Famagusta — and the martyrdom of Bragadin

The story does not end with Nicosia.
Famagusta possessed its own public spaces and structures associated with Venetian justice after they took control of Cyprus, including what is described as the berlina or colonna della berlina. (Berlina= Pillory)
The exact identification of the surviving Venetian columns with a conventional “pillory” should be treated cautiously. Nevertheless, Renaissance scholarship has connected these columns with the symbolic public cathédral central place space of Venetian Famagusta.
And in 1571, that same public space acquired a terrifying new meaning.
Following the Ottoman conquest, the Venetian commander Marcantonio Bragadin was subjected to a prolonged and exceptionally brutal punishment.
Date: 1571
Context: Ottoman conquest of Famagusta
Victim: Marcantonio Bragadin
Authority: Lala Mustafa Pasha
Place: Famagusta
Punishment: public humiliation, mutilation, flogging and ultimately flaying alive
After death: his skin was preserved and carried away as a trophy.
Importantly, modern scholarship on Famagusta notes that Mustafa Pasha ordered Bragadin's punishment between the two famous Venetian columns of the city's public space.
Thus a structure associated with the symbolic architecture of Venetian public authority became, after the Ottoman conquest, the setting for the spectacular destruction of one of Venice's most prominent representatives.
The political message was unmistakable.

10. Boyacıoğlu — Nicosia, 1690

The final case takes us well beyond the medieval period and into Ottoman Cyprus.
Boyacıoğlu emerged as a powerful local ağa during the political struggles of the late seventeenth century. His conflict with rival local elites eventually developed into an open challenge to Ottoman authority.
Date: around 1690
Context: Ottoman political conflict and rebellion
Place: Nicosia
Victim: Boyacıoğlu
Ex*****on: he was captured and hanged
Post-mortem treatment: according to the later Cypriot account, his body was exposed together with those of his followers
Additional punishment: some of his followers were reportedly suspended on hooks passing through their jaws from the down chin to the mouth.
This case must be treated differently from the medieval examples.
The detailed account comes from the much later Cypriot historian Archimandrite Kyprianos, who drew on information attributed to oral testimonies of two aged cypriots still alive collected by the French consul Benoît Astier in 1764.
It is therefore not equivalent to the near-contemporary testimony of Makhairas or Boustronios. But it is nevertheless important as evidence for the continuation — and later memory — of spectacular public punishment in Ottoman Cyprus.

Conclusion
These ten cases span almost five centuries and very different political circumstances: civil war, treason, royal justice, political vengeance, piracy, rebellion, military occupation and conquest.
Punition or political violent death sentence could take différent shape, for différent reason, for différent aim, and is not proper to single Cyprus. What connects them here in this article, is the deliberate staging of punishment in public space.
A body could be thrown against a fortress wall, a hand or leg separated from it, a co**se suspended from a city wall, a head hung from a bridge, blood made to fall onto the bread of a marketplace (maybe this one was just accidental) , or the skin of a defeated commander turned into a trophy.
The message was always larger than the individual who had been condemn.

Épilogue

the final and last public théâtral stage punishment will take place much later with 1821 greek nationalism uprising who led to the public ex*****on of several prominent Orthodox clergy in Nicosia .Archbishop Kyprianos was publicly hanged from a tree in Saray Square on 9 July 1821. The Metropolitans of Paphos, Kition and Kyrenia were executed by decapitation. Other clergy, including Archdeacon Meletios and the Abbot of Kykkos, were also executed, although sources sometimes disagree on the method the following days in the same place.
Although ex*****ons continued in Cyprus after 1821 — including numerous hangings under British rule and the final ex*****ons at Nicosia Central Prison in 1962 — the ex*****ons of 1821 appear to have been the last major instance in which death sentences were deliberately carried out in public, in the heart of Nicosia, as a highly visible act of political repression staged publicly before the population, with the ex*****on and the bodies themselves forming part of the spectacle of power.

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